By Steve Pincus
For 2 hundred years historians have seen England’s excellent Revolution of 1688–1689 as an un-revolutionary revolution—bloodless, consensual, aristocratic, and exceptionally, brilliant. during this very good new interpretation Steve Pincus refutes this conventional view.
By increasing the interpretive lens to incorporate a broader geographical and chronological body, Pincus demonstrates that England’s revolution was once a ecu occasion, that it came about over a couple of years, no longer months, and that it had repercussions in India, North the US, the West Indies, and all through continental Europe. His wealthy old narrative, according to plenty of latest archival learn, lines the transformation of English international coverage, spiritual tradition, and political financial system that, he argues, was once the meant outcome of the revolutionaries of 1688–1689.
James II built a modernization software that emphasised centralized keep an eye on, repression of dissidents, and territorial empire. The revolutionaries, against this, took good thing about the hot financial probabilities to create a bureaucratic yet participatory nation. The postrevolutionary English kingdom emphasised its ideological holiday with the prior and anticipated itself as carrying on with to adapt. All of this, argues Pincus, makes the fantastic Revolution—not the French Revolution—the first really smooth revolution. This wide-ranging ebook reenvisions the character of the wonderful Revolution and of revolutions mostly, the factors and outcomes of commercialization, the character of liberalism, and eventually the origins and lines of modernity itself.
Read or Download 1688: The First Modern Revolution (The Lewis Walpole Series in Eighteenth-C) PDF
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Additional info for 1688: The First Modern Revolution (The Lewis Walpole Series in Eighteenth-C)
Ppp The Sacheverell trial and the ensuing Tory electoral triumph not only put an end to the Whig ministry, it also eventually severed the close connection between the Whig establishment and the radical interpretation of the revolution. When Robert Walpole, one of the most eloquent defenders of the radical reading of the revolution, came to power as England’s chief minister in 1720, he brought with him a change of heart. Walpole and his political allies now claimed that the revolution had instantiated parliamentary rather than popular sovereignty and that it had established a constitution rather than a blueprint for further reform.
Not only did the establishment Whigs now distance themselves from the potentially reformist implication of the revolution, but they insisted that the revolution had nothing to do with popular sovereignty. ” While Walpole and his supporters still ascribed the revolution an important role, it was in the re-establishment of liberty rather than in the initiation of an age of progressive improvement. The revolution did not initiate a process of reform; it ended forever attempts to establish absolutism in Britain.
James II, I suggest, tried to harness these energies to create one version of a modern English state. James II’s efforts, modeled as they were on a French version of a modern Catholic state, did inspire widespread and passionate opposition. In Part III, I show that the revolutionary energies unleashed from 1687 onward did not give rise to the moderate and sensible revolution celebrated in establishment Whig historiography and modern scholarship. Far from being aristocratic, peaceful, and consensual, I show that the Revolution of 1688–89, like most modern revolutions, was popular, violent, and extremely divisive.
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